29 September 1938, Munich, Germany. Cameras capture the arrival of European leaders at a decisive conference, where the fate of Czechoslovakia is being negotiated under the pressure of Nazi Germany, and the atmosphere is filled with tension, calculation, and the illusion of peace. Among the delegations stands Italian dictator Mussolini’s playboy son-in-law and foreign minister, moving with confidence through the grand halls as a loyal servant of a regime closely aligned with Nazi Germany and actively shaping its aggressive foreign policy.
He is not an outsider or a reluctant participant, but a central figure in the system that is driving Europe toward the Second World War, supporting its ambitions and benefiting from its power. Yet the war will bring military failures, internal collapse, and growing disillusionment within the Axis alliance, and this same man will later turn against his own father-in-law, Benito Mussolini, and take part in the decision that brings down the Fascist regime.
This reversal, however, cannot erase his earlier actions, and in the end, he will pay for both his loyalty and his betrayal with his life. The man’s name is Galeazzo Ciano. Gian Galeazzo Ciano was born on 18 March 1903 in Livorno, a port city on the Tuscan coast of Italy. His father, Costanzo Ciano, was an Admiral in the Royal Italian Navy, decorated as a war hero in the First World War and rewarded with an aristocratic title of Count by King Victor Emmanuel III.
Costanzo was also a founding member of the National Fascist Party and was deeply corrupt, using his political connections to manipulate stock prices and accumulate properties worth enormous sums. He owned a newspaper, farmland in Tuscany, and various other holdings, all built on the exploitation of public office for private gain.
In this household of wealth, ambition, and Fascist intimacy with power, the young Galeazzo grew up accustomed to luxury and to the assumption that the state existed in part for the benefit of those who served it faithfully. Father and son both marched with Mussolini’s Blackshirts in the March on Rome in October 1922, the political spectacle that brought the Fascists to power in Italy.
After studying Philosophy of Law at the University of Rome and working briefly as a journalist, Ciano entered the diplomatic service. He was posted to Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires, then served as Italian diplomat in China. Ciano was charming, handsome, and socially confident, a young man who moved easily through the worlds of power and glamour that fascism had created for its faithful.
According to the wife of Milton Edward Miles, who later served as head of U.S. Naval Intelligence operations in China during World War II, Ciano met Wallis Simpson, later the Duchess of Windsor, in the 1920s in Beijing, had an affair with her, and left her pregnant, leading to a botched abortion that left her infertile.
On 24 April 1930, at the age of 27, he married Edda Mussolini, the eldest daughter of Italian fascist dictator Benito Mussolini. The marriage bound him permanently into the inner family of the fascist regime and accelerated his rise. Soon after their marriage, they left for China where he served as an Italian consul in Shanghai.
He and Edda had three children: Fabrizio, Raimonda, and Marzio. The marriage was outwardly glamorous but inwardly troubled, with both spouses conducting affairs throughout. On his return to Italy in 1935, Ciano became the minister of press and propaganda in the government of his father-in-law. In the same year Mussolini launched the invasion of Ethiopia and Ciano volunteered as a bomber squadron commander, leading his unit, the 15th bombing squadron known as La Disperata, over Ethiopian territory.
He earned two silver medals of valour and returned to Italy as a celebrated figure. On 9 June 1936, at the age of thirty-three, Mussolini appointed him foreign minister of Italy. He was widely regarded as the heir to the dictator himself. Shortly after taking office, Ciano began keeping a diary, a daily record of his meetings with Mussolini, Hitler, Ribbentrop, and other leaders of Europe.
He would continue writing until his dismissal in 1943 and his diaries would outlive him and later gave testimony about the international affairs during the Second World War. As foreign minister of the fascist state, he was also involved in some of the regime’s more sinister activities. In 1937, Ciano was allegedly involved in organising the murder of Carlo and Nello Rosselli, two exiled Italian anti-fascist brothers killed in the French spa town of Bagnoles-de-l’Orne on 9 June.
The brothers had founded the movement Giustizia e Libertà, meaning Justice and Liberty, and after being considered a serious threat to the regime, they were killed. As foreign minister, Ciano helped deepen the alliance between Italy and Nazi Germany, meeting repeatedly with Adolf Hitler and with German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop. He helped guide Italy toward the Pact of Steel, signed in May 1939 which was a military and political alliance between Germany and Italy.
Yet even as he built this alliance, he grew privately uneasy as he recorded in his diary that Ribbentrop was evasive and that he lied about German intentions. When Nazi Germany invaded Poland on 1 September 1939 and started the Second World War without consulting Italy, Ciano was furious. Germany had violated a direct promise made by Ribbentrop only months earlier.
Ciano urged Mussolini not to enter the war, arguing that Italy’s armed forces were wholly unprepared for a major conflict with European powers. Mussolini at first accepted the advice and declared Italy non-belligerent. Before the German assault on France in 1940, Ciano quietly leaked a warning of the impending invasion to the government of neutral Belgium. When Mussolini declared war in June 1940 to France and Great Britain, Ciano recorded his reaction in his diary with quiet despair: “I am sad, very sad. The adventure begins.
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May God help Italy!” He went along with the war regardless, including the disastrous Italian invasion of Greece in October 1940, which was poorly planned, badly executed, and ended in humiliating setbacks that required German intervention. Throughout 1941, as Italian forces struggled across North Africa and the Balkans, Ciano made derogatory and sarcastic remarks about Mussolini in private, sometimes to people who reported them directly to the Duce, as Mussolini was known.
Friends advised him to exercise more caution, but he ignored them, because his self-importance had grown alongside his years in the office, and he seemed to believe that his position as son-in-law gave him a form of immunity that did not, in reality, exist. By late 1942 and into 1943, with the Axis suffering catastrophic defeats in North Africa and the Eastern Front slowly collapsing, Ciano turned entirely against the war and began actively pushing for Italy to seek a separate peace with the Allies. Mussolini responded by removing him
from the Foreign Ministry in February 1943 and offered him instead the post of Ambassador to the Holy See. Ciano presented his credentials to Pope Pius XII in March 1943 and remained in Rome, watched closely by the regime he had served and was now beginning to move against. On the afternoon of 24 July 1943, Mussolini summoned the Fascist Grand Council to its first meeting since 1939, prompted by the Allied invasion of Sicily.
At the meeting, Mussolini argued for continued war efforts and his supreme command, attempting to downplay military failures. This led Dino Grandi, the former Italian foreign minister and ambassador to the United Kingdom, to launch a blistering attack on his long-time fascist comrade. Grandi put on the table a resolution asking King Victor Emmanuel III to resume his full constitutional powers – in effect, a vote leading to Mussolini’s ousting from leadership.
The motion won by an unexpectedly large margin, 19–8, with Ciano voting in favour and against his father-in-law. For Ciano, the vote quickly became a trap as the new Italian government dismissed him from his post and soon placed him and his wife Edda under house arrest. Fearing further prosecution, the couple fled secretly on 27 August 1943, evacuated by a German military aircraft from Ciampino airport in Rome to Munich with their three children.
They applied to be transferred to neutral Spain ruled by dictator Francisco Franco and wait there until the end of the war, but the Germans refused. Hitler was furious at Ciano’s vote against Mussolini, and those around him had no interest in protecting a man they regarded as a traitor. After German paratroopers rescued Mussolini from captivity in September 1943 and installed him as head of the Italian Social Republic, a puppet state in German-controlled northern Italy, the Germans handed Ciano over to his father-in-law. Ciano was formally arrested on charges of treason.
His wife Edda fought with everything she had to save him. She possessed his diaries, hundreds of pages recording private meetings with the most powerful men in Europe and she offered them to the Germans in exchange for Ciano’s life, but Hitler vetoed the deal. The trial of Mussolini’s son-in-law and other high-ranking Italian officials was held inside the medieval Castelvecchio in the city of Verona between 8 and 10 January 1944.
Of the nineteen council members who had voted against Mussolini, only six had been captured. The tribunal was composed of hard-line Fascists, and the verdict was predetermined before any testimony was given. Ciano’s defence attorney resigned and was replaced by an incompetent public defender. The clemency appeal filed after sentencing was deliberately withheld from Mussolini until after the executions had been carried out, ensuring he could not intervene even if he wished to.
Mussolini reportedly spent the nights before the execution unable to sleep, not from grief but from anxiety over how Hitler would view any sign of weakness. In the end, he did nothing. On the morning of 11 January 1944, Ciano and four others, Emilio De Bono, Luciano Gottardi, Giovanni Marinelli, and Carlo Pareschi, were taken to an execution site.
The sixth defendant, Tullio Cianetti, had been spared after recanting his vote. Five chairs had been placed in a row. The condemned were tied to the chairs with their backs to the firing squad, a deliberate final humiliation. The execution was supervised by SS officers who photographed and filmed the event on Hitler’s orders.
Ciano managed to twist his chair around at the last moment to face the firing squad. His final words were: “Long live Italy!” In the end, however, Ciano also took revenge for his death. Thanks to his wife, his diaries survived and were, among other things, used during the Nuremberg trials, where they helped convict Joachim von Ribbentrop, the former foreign minister of Nazi Germany who was hanged for his crimes.
Gian Galeazzo Ciano was not a man of principle. He served the Fascist regime through its most criminal years, helped construct the alliance with Nazi Germany, and was in all likelihood involved in political murder. The irony is that he was not executed for his crimes, but by the same regime he had willingly served for years. He was 40 years old.
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